Excellent discussion give it a listen!!
Are racial disparities in arrests and incarceration evidence of racist policing? Is over-policing a primary threat to the safety of black communities, as Black Lives Matter activists and others have argued in recent years? Should we reduce police resources and prosecute fewer crimes? Do black men have more reason than others to fear law enforcement? Is the drug war driving “mass incarceration”? Jason Riley engaged with Janice Rogers Brown, Roland Fryer, and Rafael Mangual on these questions and more
— Read on m.youtube.com/watch
Bail reform in NY IS NOT working.
This article captures the context of why some crime-fighting strategies work like broken windows, pulling levers, hot spots (persons).
Career criminals rack up nearly 500 arrests since NY bail reform began
— Read on nypost.com/2022/08/03/career-criminals-rack-up-nearly-500-arrests-since-ny-bail-reform-began/amp/
Progressive prosecutor and their affect on crime.
Last month in American Greatness, I documented how a pro-criminal state’s attorney’s leftist crime policies and the failed leadership of a mayor and police…
— Read on amgreatness.com/2022/07/08/marilyn-mosby-pushes-baltimore-toward-anarchy/
Among many criminologists, advocates, and policymakers, it is an article of faith that the socioeconomic “root causes” of serious crime must be addressed in order to reduce lawbreaking. However, the enormous crime declines over the course of the late 1990s and early 2000s occurred without…
— Read on www.manhattan-institute.org/understanding-crime-as-entitlement
A new report finds that instead of cracking down on crime by reducing poverty through greater social and capital investments, crime should be tackled by enforcing strict criminal laws, prosecuting criminals, and sending them to prison.
— Read on www.nationalreview.com/corner/a-new-report-demonstrates-the-importance-of-tough-on-crime-policies/
The black market for baby products is part of a larger debate about how New York City handles low-level crime.
— Read on www.newyorker.com/news/our-local-correspondents/the-meaning-of-a-stolen-diaper
Communities across the United States are reconsidering the public safety benefits of prosecuting nonviolent misdemeanor offenses. So far there has been little empirical evidence to inform policy in this area. In this paper we report the first estimates of the causal effects of misdemeanor prosecution on defendants’ subsequent criminal justice involvement. We leverage the as-if random assignment of nonviolent misdemeanor cases to Assistant District Attorneys (ADAs) who decide whether a case should move forward with prosecution in the Suffolk County District Attorney’s Office in Massachusetts. These ADAs vary in the average leniency of their prosecution decisions. We find that, for the marginal defendant, nonprosecution of a nonviolent misdemeanor offense leads to large reductions in the likelihood of a new criminal complaint over the next two years. These local average treatment effects are largest for first-time defendants, suggesting that averting initial entry into the criminal justice system has the greatest benefits. We also present evidence that a recent policy change in Suffolk County imposing a presumption of nonprosecution for a set of nonviolent misdemeanor offenses had similar beneficial effects: the likelihood of future criminal justice involvement fell, with no apparent increase in local crime rates.
Founded in 1920, the NBER is a private, non-profit, non-partisan organization dedicated to conducting economic research and to disseminating research findings among academics, public policy makers, and business professionals.
— Read on www.nber.org/papers/w28600
From the VERA Institute
Misdemeanor cases make up over 80 percent of the cases processed by the U.S. criminal justice system, yet we know little about the causal impacts of misdemeanor prosecution. In this talk, we will report the first estimates of the causal effects of misdemeanor prosecution on defendants’ subsequent criminal justice involvement. To do this, we leverage the quasi-random assignment of nonviolent misdemeanor cases to arraigning assistant district attorneys in the Suffolk County District Attorney’s Office in Massachusetts between 2004 and 2018. We find that the marginal prosecuted misdemeanor defendant has a substantially higher risk of being charged with a subsequent criminal complaint, of being prosecuted on that complaint, and of acquiring a criminal record of that complaint, within two years of their initial case. These effects appear to work through a longer time to case disposition, an increased likelihood of acquiring a criminal record of a misdemeanor complaint, and an increased likelihood of a misdemeanor conviction in the current case.
See the VIDEO HERE:
Misdemeanors are under attack. Misdemeanors are what drives the criminal justice system at least at the local criminal court level.￼ Misdemeanors are the crimes that directly and most often impact day to day life. This has led to a shift of the criminal justice system from being victim focused to offender focused. This has created drastic changes.
The link below has several reports on its webpage and there are also links to several additional articles.
Findings and policy recommendations from a comprehensive analysis of misdemeanor cases in NYC.
— Read on www.courtinnovation.org/publications/misdemeanor-race-NYC
On this web page there are 2 reports from 2021 and 2020 for major discipline of officers throughout the state of New Jersey.
Major Discipline – New Jersey Office of Attorney General
— Read on www.njoag.gov/majordiscipline/
Is it me or do others notice too that increasing the penalty or lowering the threshold for the crime only works for a crime like Driving While Intoxicated for preventing people from driving drunk? It doesn’t work for drugs, or theft, or shoplifting but it works for DWI. Interesting. Lower the criteria for DWI thereby more people will be violating the law and it makes more people stop breaking the law. Enforce DWI laws and more people stop drinking and driving.
In the news shoplifting is rampant yet lawmakers and prosecutors want to raise the criteria for committing shoplifting and they don’t what to prosecute shoplifting after a person is arrested. Yet the argument is that shoplifting will go down?
Why does it work in just the opposite way for DWI? In most cases DWI is the same level of crime as shoplifting and they carry the same punishment for prison. DWI has powerful lobbying groups – anti-shoplifting doesn’t. DWI carries substantial state penalties in the form of thousands of dollars in fines, shoplifting doesn’t. DWI carries substantial penalties for car insurance – not shoplifting. For DWI you need an attorney, you don’t need an attorney for shoplifting especially if its your first one. Bottom line DWI costs about $9,000.00 in fines, insurance, attorney fees, shoplifting $0.00 and in some states they don’t even want to persecute shoplifting.
The crime of DWI was made more severe in an attempt to lower the number of people committing DWI and fatal crashes. The crime of shoplifting Is being treated less harshly so people stop stealing. Does this make sense?
Why don’t government treat DWI like shoplifting? Then there would probably be NO DWIs at all!!!
Legislative Review. This indicated the motivation for lowering the BAC law from .08 to .05 was a desire to improve traffic safety. The majority of objections were based on hypothesized negative effects on the economy (e.g., alcohol sales, tax revenues, and tourism), the belief arrests for driving under the influence (DUI) would increase drastically for people who had “one or two drinks,” and the assumption there would be no safety benefits.
The report can be accessed HERE