The 1st recommendation is to abolish the police department. That is certainly one way to reimagine public safety.
Reimagining Public Safety in Ithaca & Tompkins County, Documents – Google Drive
— Read on drive.google.com/drive/mobile/folders/1NTZ6j6WRze75m5fTuf-wC4BgC-1ddJnO
50-state report on jury disqualification laws and their impact on jury diversity
— Read on www.prisonpolicy.org/reports/juryexclusion.html
I’m always looking for a information on good books to read. I came upon this website that contains a lot of information on books and offers book lists on a variety of topics. While not about policing or criminal justice the website is about development and learning. This list is helpful because of the exposure literature greats under 200 pages. Check out other stuff the website offers.
50 Great Classic Novels Under 200 Pages ‹ Literary Hub
— Read on lithub.com/50-great-classic-novels-under-200-pages/
Queens prosecutors have been tracking at least 78 NYPD officers whose credibility have been challenged in court, according to documents obtained by Gothamist/WNYC as part of a two-year fight to get the information released under the state’s public records law.
The documents flag past incidents of suspected police dishonesty and previously unreported details of officers who remained on the force despite criminal convictions.
NOTE: As part of the article there are some examples of written notice by the District Attorney as part of disclosure that indicates if an Officer has been involved any (I am guessing) “negative issues” that involved a Civil proceeding, Prior Testimony, or Disciplinary Matters with a summary that is redacted that must be the highlights that the District Attorney must want to point out.
Read more…. https://gothamist.com/news/queens-prosecutors-tracked-nypd-cops-suspected-lying-and-criminal-convictions-documents-show
In the publication there are a few interesting links to court documents.
MANHATTAN (CN) — The New York City Police Department “cannot bargain away” its disclosure obligations, the Second Circuit ruled Tuesday as it rejected a bid by police and firefighter unions to block the publishing of thousands of officer misconduct records.
Killing the appeal in an unsigned summary order, the three-judge panel blew through claims that greater transparency would risk officers’ safety.
READ on …. https://www.courthousenews.com/nypd-lose-appeal-to-keep-disciplinary-records-under-lock-key/
Within policing, few legal principles are more widely known or highly esteemed than the “objective reasonableness” standard that regulates police uses of force. The Fourth Amendment, it is argued, is not only the facet of constitutional law that governs police violence, it sets out the only standard that state lawmakers, police commanders, and officers should recognize. Any other regulation of police violence is inappropriate and unnecessary. Ironically, though, the Constitution does not actually regulate the use of force. It regulates seizures. Some uses of force are seizures. This Article explains that a surprising number of others—including some police shootings—are not. Uses of force that do not amount to seizures fall entirely outside the ambit of Fourth Amendment regulation. And when a use of force does constitute a seizure, the Fourth Amendment is a distressingly inapt regulatory tool. There is, in short, a fundamental misalignment between what the Fourth Amendment is thought to regulate and what it actually regulates, and there are good reasons to doubt the efficacy of that regulation even when it applies. Put simply, the Fourth Amendment is a profoundly flawed framework for regulating police violence. The Constitution is not the only option. Police reformers have offered state law and police agency policies as promising regulatory alternatives. What has largely evaded academic attention, however, is the extent to which state courts and police agencies simply adopt or incorporate the constitutional standards into state law or agency policies. In this way, the Fourth Amendment’s flaws have spilled over into the sub-constitutional regulation of police violence. This Article details the substantial shortcomings in constitutional jurisprudence, describes the problem of Fourth Amendment spillage, and argues that the divergent interests underlying the various regulatory mechanisms should lead state lawmakers and administrative policymakers to divorce state law and administrative policies from constitutional law. In doing so, it advances both academic and public conversations about police violence.
— Read on scholarlycommons.law.emory.edu/elj/vol70/iss3/1/
When police arrest a suspect who is then convicted of the crime, it is a rare exception rather than the rule in the US.
— Read on theconversation.com/police-solve-just-2-of-all-major-crimes-143878
Commentary: How can the Criminal Justice System be this massive trap of Mass Incarceration when only 2% of the crimes that carry the longest prison sentence end in conviction. I’m not sure how plea deals are calculated seeing that 90% of all court cases end in a plea deal. Some of the thoughts here are that criminals are prolific and they eventually get caught, so the arrest of one criminal may stop 20-30 future crimes. Some criminals commit very few crimes and stop either forever or for long periods of time.
NOTABLE: Publications from the links in the article
How Effective Are Police? The Problem of Clearance Rates and Criminal Accountability
Most violent and property crimes in the U.S. go unsolved
Alternatives to Arrest for Young People